The Objective Standard Blog

The Grey: A Great Reminder of Crucial Truths

The GreyCould you survive deep in the Alaskan wilderness and make your way out with only the resources from a crashed airplane?

That’s the stark challenge faced by the seven protagonists of the movie The Grey, starring Liam Neeson. An airplane carrying Alaskan oil field workers crashes during a storm, and they must battle harsh winter conditions and a pack of aggressive wolves while attempting to find their way back to civilization. In addition to spectacular cinematography and spellbinding action scenes, the movie demonstrates surprising philosophical depth in delivering its theme: “What does it really mean to fight for one’s life?”

The movie also dramatizes three related principles that are easy to forget during everyday life but that are made vividly clear in the context of the movie:

1) Man’s basic means of survival is his reasoning mind.

The wolves in The Grey survive using their claws, fangs, and instincts in accordance with their basic nature. Humans, however, cannot survive in this fashion. We lack the fur to keep us warm in subzero temperatures, claws and fangs to kill prey (or to protect ourselves against predators), and instincts to dictate our actions. To survive, we must use our minds, rearrange nature, and create the goods we need. Reason is our basic means of doing so.

2) Nature, to be commanded, must be obeyed.

Do you need to start a fire? Then you must identify the nature of the material at hand and proceed accordingly. Do you need to cross a violently rushing river? Then you must devise a method that holds the weight of a full-grown man; you must respect and apply the laws of physics. Wishful thinking, bluster, or drunkenness won’t make reality bend to your desires or make your problems go away. The only way to solve your problems or accomplish your goals is to face reality head-on, heed the facts, and act accordingly.

3) Modern man is extremely dependent on the benefits of technology.

Technology is an incredible enhancement to our lives. I would rather be typing a movie review on my MacBook Air in the comfort of my living room than shivering in a dark cave wondering whether I’ll be eaten by wolves tonight.

But it’s easy to take for granted the benefits of industrial civilization until we are reminded (in fiction or in real life) what life is like without those benefits. In Ayn Rand’s novel Atlas Shrugged, Hank Rearden hosts a fancy party during a storm. During the party, Francisco D’Anconia tells him:

“[Y]ou are able to have summer flowers and half-naked women in your house on a night like this, in demonstration of your victory over that storm. And if it weren’t for you, most of those who are here would be left helpless at the mercy of that wind in the middle of some such plain.”

The Grey reminded me how grateful I am for the many entrepreneurs, engineers, and businessmen who have created our modern industrial civilization. Without them, we wouldn’t enjoy the iPads, cell phones, automobiles, central heating, and electricity we so easily take for granted. Instead, we’d be like the protagonists of The Grey, struggling mightily against raw, untamed nature, hoping to survive another day.

For this reason, although The Grey is not a political movie, it also helped me better appreciate Ari Armstrong’s recent blog post, “Great Producers Deserve Our Gratitude, Not Obama’s Tax Hikes.”

In the hubbub of everyday life, it’s easy to forget some basic truths about man, nature, and the fundamental role of reason in our lives. A gripping tale of novel and dire circumstances, The Grey reminds us of what we must never forget if we want to live.

Posted in: Business and Economics, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Science and Technology, The Arts

Mitch Daniels: Business is “One of the Noblest of Human Pursuits”

Indiana_Governor_Mitch_DanielsIn the GOP’s response speech to President Obama’s State of the Union, Mitch Daniels said, “Contrary to the president’s constant disparagement of people in business, it’s one of the noblest of human pursuits.”

Though Daniels’ speech is a mixed bag, his identification of the nobility of business is spot on and is a refreshing contrast to Obama’s anti-business agenda. Businessmen are productive dynamos who trade value for value to earn their wealth. Steve Jobs, John Allison, Bill Gates, Jonathan Hoenig, and other businessmen deserve to be praised for pursuing their rational self-interest and for creating goods and services that further their lives and, consequently, the lives of those who trade with them.

Republican leaders desperately need to recognize and embrace the moral nature of business. And they need to work to protect the individual rights of businessmen and unshackle producers from regulations and discriminatory taxation.

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Image: Wikimedia Commons

Posted in: Business and Economics, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy

Even with Gary Johnson, the Libertarian Party Undermines Liberty

Gary_JohnsonTo many lovers of liberty, Gary Johnson seemed like the ideal Republican candidate for president, an advocate of staunch fiscal responsibility along with personal liberty on issues such as abortion and gay marriage. He appeals to many who share the sentiments of a Colorado business owner: “I want the Democrats out of my pocket and Republicans out of my bedroom” (a quote invoked by Paul Hsieh in an article on abortion rights).

On December 28, Johnson, formerly the Republican governor of New Mexico, announced that he was leaving the Republican Party to launch a presidential campaign with the Libertarian Party. Many who supported Johnson on the Republican ticket wonder whether they should also support him on the Libertarian ticket. One crucial consideration is that it is impossible to support Johnson as a Libertarian candidate without promoting the Libertarian Party itself, and that party undermines the very foundation of individual rights.

Historically, the Libertarian Party (LP) has always been laced with moral subjectivism, the notion that right and wrong are matters of opinion or social consensus; and anarchy, the notion that the ideal society is one without a government. Although not every self-identified libertarian today embraces subjectivism or anarchy, these elements continue to characterize the Libertarian Party and the broader libertarian movement.

Consider, for instance, the web page about abortion at Libertarianism.com (a web site run by Advocates for Self-Government, a group distinct from the LP but embraced by many in the Party), which claims: “Abortion is a difficult issue upon which reasonable, ethical people can disagree.  Until society can come to consensus about the status of the fetus, libertarians can reasonably be divided on their policy prescriptions.” But there is nothing reasonable about the notion that whether a fetus has rights is to be determined by social consensus. As Diana Hsieh and I argue in a recent article for The Objective Standard, the question of abortion rights cannot be decided by social consensus; rather, it must be decided by an objective assessment of the nature of rights and of the fetus. (Such an assessment shows conclusively that women have the right to seek an abortion and doctors have the right to perform abortions; see the article for details.)

Although some libertarians say that all abortions should be legal, others say they should be legal only until “the cerebral cortex has emerged,” and still others, such as 1988 LP Presidential candidate Ron Paul, say that all “abortion is an act of aggression that is incompatible with libertarianism.” Such contradictory viewpoints coexist within libertarianism because one of its central ideas is that there are no demonstrably true, objective moral standards on which to base political conclusions.

Because libertarians generally deny the possibility of objective standards in morality, they offer no coherent theory of rights or of what constitutes freedom or force; thus, they disagree about all sorts of important issues in addition to abortion. For example, some support intellectual property rights, while others regard any effort to impose copyrights or patents as an “initiation of force” (see the Wikipedia entry devoted to this debate.)

Likewise, some libertarians argue that children should be “free” to have sex with adults. Although the LP platform says, “Consenting adults should be free to choose their own sexual practices and personal relationships,” Mary Ruwart, an author featured prominently by Advocates for Self-Government and a leading contender for the 2008 LP presidential ticket, claims that restriction is too narrow. Regarding the question of child pornography, she writes in her book on libertarianism: “Children who willingly participate in sexual acts have the right to make that decision.” Such a view obliterates the very meaning of rights and sanctions the ugliest of crimes. Granted, many libertarians rightly recoil at such positions, but that does not change the fact that Johnson has placed himself in the same philosophic cesspool as the likes of Ruwart.

Libertarians do tend to agree on foreign policy, on which subject their views are generally abhorrent. The libertarian aversion to government as such helps explain why libertarians such as Ron Paul routinely denounce U.S. efforts toward self-defense and blame America for Islamist terrorism. Granted, various U.S. foreign policy moves have failed to defend America and in fact have empowered Islamist states that sponsor terrorism. But this does not change the fact that Islamists are ideologically driven to establish a global Islamic theocracy and that Islamist terrorism stems fundamentally from that goal. Yet libertarians routinely bury their heads in the sand in the face of such threats, choosing instead to blame our government.

Further, many libertarians in and out of the LP openly endorse anarchy. For example (and not surprisingly), Ruwart writes that, while studying libertarianism, she “was easily won over to anarchy.” Murray Rothbard, active in the LP during the 1970s and 1980s and known to many as “Mr. Libertarian,” also explicitly advocated anarchy, professing his “deep and pervasive hatred” of government.

Libertarians who do not openly endorse anarchy nevertheless tend to see government as inherently evil. Harry Browne, the LP’s presidential candidate in 1996 and 2000, expresses a typical libertarian perspective: “It seems to me that a lot of time is wasted by libertarians who argue whether it’s possible to have a society without any government at all. Those who want no government at all can continue working to reduce the size of government. Those who want limited government can fight to keep the federal government” small. In other words, the ideal is anarchy, but if we cannot achieve that ideal, the closer we get to it the better. Before running for office Browne was less ambivalent; in his 1973 book he wrote, “I believe a world without ‘government’ would be a better place to live.”

True, the LP platform states, “Government exists to protect the rights of every individual including life, liberty and property.” Yet for the LP such statements constitute baseless platitudes. The platform also states that “where governments exist, they must not violate the rights of any individual” (emphasis added). Given that Libertarians have repeatedly promoted avowed anarchists as high-level candidates and party leaders, it should come as no surprise that the party’s platform leaves open the possibility that government ought not exist. The Founders, by contrast, saw constitutional government dedicated to the protection of individual rights as essential to liberty.

Obviously many Libertarian Party members, including Johnson, reject anarchism and the kookier elements of the party. Yet, by running as a Libertarian, Johnson necessarily drags his better ideas into the libertarian muck. By lending his credibility to a party that often tolerates (or even glorifies) anarchism, blames America for Islamist assaults against us, and embraces moral subjectivism and outright craziness, Johnson sullies the case for liberty by muddying it with antithetical ideas.

Note: The author used to be a Libertarian Party activist who campaigned for Harry Browne.

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Image: Gaga Skidmore

Posted in: Business and Economics, Foreign Policy and War, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Presidential Candidates

Call It Exuberant Friday, Not “Black Friday”

Happy_WomanEvery Thanksgiving season seems to provoke a new round of lamentation over the fact that many people enjoy shopping the Friday after the feast. “Black Friday,” this day is called. But what’s so black about it? Stores and city streets glitter with holiday lights. Shoppers, often in bright-colored clothing, chatter with excitement among family and friends. Apparently Philadelphia police coined the title “Black Friday” due to the traffic and crowds, but just because the police don’t enjoy working on holidays doesn’t mean others should view the day through dark-tinted glasses. We should call it “Exuberant Friday,” a day for celebrating prosperity, shopping for gifts, and enjoying friends.

Lisa Wirthman contributes to this year’s hand-wringing over the day with an article for the Denver Post. “Holiday commercialism crosses a new line this year as Black Friday sales encroach on Thanksgiving,” meaning that some stores will offer shoppers the chance to drop by Thursday as well. “Black Friday and Thanksgiving Thursday don’t mix well,” she warns. “Thanksgiving is a time to be grateful for what we have and spend hard-earned time with family and friends. Black Friday, on the other hand, is a chance to get as much as we can for our hard-earned dollars.” So, according to Wirthman, although it’s okay “to be grateful for what we have and spend hard-earned time with family and friends” on Thursday, to go bargain shopping with our hard-earned dollars on Friday is somehow less than noble. What does she consider more worthwhile? She tells us: Occupy Wall Street’s “protest against corporate greed and income inequality.”

Even setting aside that last absurdity, Wirthman and other shunners of so-called “Black Friday” are effectively Thanksgiving’s equivalent of the Grinch.

Wirthman ignores her own lessons about expressing gratitude. Where is her gratitude that, despite the economic slump and encroaching economic controls, Americans enjoy the greatest prosperity in human history? The fact that we can buy abundant foods from around the world, clothing in virtually limitless designs, and labor-saving kitchen gadgets is a wondrous marvel of productivity and relative economic freedom, not a cultural blot. That the average person can afford to buy cameras, pocket computers, televisions, video games, and other electronic equipment—things that Medieval kings could not have dreamed possible—signals the glory of modern America. And the fact that Americans still retain significant freedom to live, produce, and trade as they see fit is a cause for celebration.

Wirthman also concocts conflicts where none need exist. Many people enjoy shopping with friends or family, just as many enjoy seeing a movie together or dining at a restaurant. True, some shoppers get out of control or simply lose their manners, just as some sports fans do, but that does not damn shopping any more than it damns soccer. Similarly, the fact that some people devote their time over Thanksgiving to berating relatives hardly justifies a blanket condemnation of the holiday. Most holiday shoppers retain a friendly attitude and enjoy their Friday (or Thursday) excursions immensely. In fact, for many people shopping is a preferred way to “spend hard-earned time with family and friends.”

Further, many people enjoy using their purchases together as much as they enjoy buying them together. Think of all the holiday photographs people will snap with their new digital cameras, all the football games families will cheer on their big-screen TVs, and all the intimate messages people will share through their computers and smart phones. That is not to say that quality time together requires big-dollar purchases; even something as simple as a new deck of cards (a rarity until the industrial era, when they were mass printed) can provide hours of social enjoyment.

Those who condemn “commercialism” or “materialism” tend to paint products as the enemy of human well-being. But such criticisms completely miss the point of producing goods and services: to enhance human life. Properly we pursue the values we need to live and to thrive, and our values range from the basics of sustenance, such as food and shelter, to the heights of spirituality, such as friendships and literature, to the peaks of science and technology, such as iPhones and artificial heart valves. While some of our values are more directly material in nature (e.g., warm sweaters and pumpkin pies), all of our values require some material expression. For example, to dine with friends we need food, cooking tools, and shelter to protect us from the elements. To enjoy literature we need ink and paper or a digital text reader. And to receive a heart valve or the like, we must rely on someone’s vision, intelligence, and long-range planning.

The point is that we should neither obsess over physical objects at the expense of our broader values, nor denigrate physical products as somehow lowly by comparison, but rather purchase and use commercial goods to live longer, healthier, happier lives.

Whether you like to shop over the Thanksgiving holiday or do other things with that time, do not let anyone make you feel guilty about enjoying the prosperity of our commercial society. Instead, celebrate that prosperity with exuberance.

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Image: iStock

Posted in: Business and Economics, History, Philosophy, Psychology

Interview with Alex Epstein, Founder of Center for Industrial Progress

Alex_EpsteinAlex Epstein is the founder and director of the Center for Industrial Progress and a principal at Master Resource, a free market energy blog. I recently had the privilege of speaking with him about his work, industrial progress, his “occupation” of “Occupy Wall Street,” and his plans for the future. —JL

Joshua Lipana: What is your background, and why did you start the Center for Industrial Progress?

Alex Epstein: I’ve always been interested in science in the broadest sense of the word: gaining a systematic, logical understanding of the world. As a kid, math and science were my favorite subjects, and I developed the conviction that all problems are solvable with scientific thinking. In high school, I was exposed to more and more controversy about political issues, and I decided that I would learn what the logical position on these was. When people told me that these issues were all subjective, I rejected that because I thought that all problems had an objective solution. So I started looking for thinkers in the humanities who focused on facts and logic—Thomas Sowell was a particular favorite of mine. As I read various books on politics, economics, and philosophy, my interest in the physical sciences gave way to a much stronger interest in the humanities, or, as I prefer to call it, the science of human action.

While I have been influenced by many thinkers, nothing compared to what I learned from reading Ayn Rand. I was completely blown away by Atlas Shrugged, which was the first work of hers that I read. I felt like she looked at the world with x-ray vision, and could understand the fundamental causes of problems—and solutions—when everyone else could just see symptoms. I’ve been studying her works intensely since I was 18, and the more I read the more I realize how profound and precise her insights are.

In college I studied a combination of philosophy and computer science. After coming out of college I knew I wanted two things; I wanted to be an intellectual for a living, but I did not want to go to grad school or work at a University. So I became a freelance writer right out of college and after a little over two years I accepted an offer from the Ayn Rand Institute to write full-time, applying philosophy to business issues. That was a great opportunity for me, since I got to do the kind of work I was interested with lots of intellectual support.

Somewhere about mid-way through my work at the Institute I got obsessed with the issue of energy. I studied the history of energy, particularly of oil, and I was struck by a) how much the entire economy depends on energy and b) how much energy production and policy depends on the right philosophy, particularly the right philosophy of industry and environment.

So much of what’s gone wrong in energy in the last 40 years is due to the idea that it’s somehow wrong or tainted for man to transform nature on a large scale. And so much of what has gone right in American industrial history is that this country used to have a philosophy that embraced the transformation of nature through energy and industry—that is, embraced industrial progress. The more I read and talked to experts in the field, the more I saw an opportunity to use my knowledge of philosophy, and in particular Ayn Rand’s philosophy, to change the way people think about energy, industry, and environment.

It was heartening and a little surprising to me how open people in energy policy have been to the idea of examining the philosophical issues in the field—or, as Dr. Robert Bradley calls it, “the debate behind the debate.” Another thing I’ve been heartened by is that people respond very positively to my enthusiasm for energy, which is definitely an outgrowth of my philosophy. I feel more excited about new developments in energy—say, the shale gas revolution—than I do about the latest iPhone. And I really love my iPhone.

The energy industry is producing the most amazing products and it should never be on the defensive about what it is doing. Producing oil, producing coal, producing gas, these are fundamentally things that have doubled the human life expectancy and we should be over the moon about what they have done for our lives.

The more I engaged with intellectuals in energy policy, and the more I engaged with the public on energy issues, the more I became convinced that this was an issue that would benefit from a dedicated, laser-focused think-tank. So I decided to start one. My number one conviction with the think-tank was that its essential focus had to be positive—it needed to offer a positive ideal that people can embrace in place of environmentalism. Thus, the Center for Industrial Progress was born.

My second conviction about CIP was that it should, as much as possible, mirror the practices of a competitive business. As a result, a major priority of mine has been researching best practices for making an impact. I spend a lot of time talking to CEOs, think-tank leaders, media leaders, etc about what works and what doesn’t. And as the Director of CIP, I try to measure the impact of everything we do, so we can get the best results possible.

JL: What are some of the highlights in industrial progress over the last 200 years?

AE: First of all, let’s be clear on what industrial progress is. Industrial progress is the progressive transformation of nature through energy, industry, and technology. It encompasses drilling for oil or creating an iPod. Its most prominent impact is to reshape the world around us to something that’s completely unrecognizable from what it used to be.

Unfortunately, our educational system teaches people that “the environment” is this separate, intrinsically valuable thing that human beings ruin through industry. We’re taught that minimizing environmental impact is the ideal. In fact, the environment we should be concerned about is the human environment, and we should think in terms of how we can maximize our positive impact on the human environment. By default, nature is an extremely hostile place to live, which is why average human life expectancy throughout history is thirty.

In terms of key developments, there are many, but the overall one is just how amazing energy and industry has made our lives. Once you understand that, you can appreciate certain key developments. In energy production, there is the coal-powered steam engine and what that did to human life, and the oil-powered internal combustion engine and what that did to human life, and then the ability to turn energy into electricity, and what that did to human life. All of these made possible the agricultural revolution, the rise of the automobile, the rise of the computer—all revolutions that required massive amounts of cheap, plentiful, and reliable energy.

JL: What are the primary obstacles to industrial progress?

AE: There are two key obstacles to industrial progress: one is a lack of a positive and the other is a negative, in large part made possible by the lack of the positive.

The lack of a positive is the lack of a clearly fleshed-out pro-industrial philosophy that embraces the progressive transformation of nature through energy and technology. Such a philosophy, among other things, would define the proper political policies under which that transformation should take place—namely policies based on individual rights—and it would morally embrace industrialization.

Without the right industrial philosophy, people don’t value industrial progress sufficiently, and don’t know what policies will nourish that value.

Being clear on the positive is indispensable. For instance in oil, you can see throughout history that it is really important that property rights should be based on the principle that the creator of the value in the resource should own it. In a course I gave in 2008, the Triumph and Tragedy of the Oil Industry, I explained how the wrong philosophy of rights has undercut the oil industry from the beginning.

In electricity, you need the right view of competition, otherwise you end up with today’s government monopolized grid.

Unless we have a clear idea of what policy should be, positively, and why, the positive isn’t going to happen, and when the wrong view has a lot of advocates with very clear policy ideas, they’re going to take over. And that’s what happened to the anti-industrial movement, which at various stages has been called the conservation movement and the environmentalist movement. There’s a lot of good literature from Ayn Rand, ARI, and TOS about this movement so I won’t elaborate too much here, but basically making policy based on the idea that untouched nature is intrinsically valuable and that nature should be protected from man leads to the very common phenomenon, which I wrote about in the Industrial Manifesto: Every company who wants to do anything industrial—anything involving any transformation of nature—is met with an endless labyrinth of obstacles.

Again, a huge part of the solution is offering a positive alternative, including in policy, which is why a big focus of ours at CIP will be to roll out energy policy prescriptions.

JL: You recently debated Ryan Rittenhouse of Greenpeace. Where can people see the video of that? And how would you evaluate the debate?

AE: The debate is in post-production and going to be released soon, and I’d rather let people draw their own conclusions about it. I’ll only say that I think the debate shows a clear contrast between the two views. I think Ryan does a good job of representing the serious environmentalist view and I do my best to represent my own view. I hope it comes off very clearly that there is a real choice to be made in terms of what approach we should embrace so I encourage people to watch the debate. There’s a version on the Internet now of the debate but it’s not complete, and the version that’s about to come out is a lot better in quality.

JL: You also recently, as you put it, “Occupied the Occupy Wall Street” demonstrators with your colleague Dr. Eric Dennis, and spoke with some environmentalists there [see video here]. What was the takeaway from this event?

AE: I encourage people to watch it. There is a lot to say about Occupy Wall Street. I think, in general, the whole premise of defining a movement as being against the most successful people in society is incredibly corrupt. It’s not that everyone in “the 1%” is deserving—we don’t have a fully free market by a long shot, we have a mixed-economy and there are plenty of undeserving people in the 1%. But the way you deal with that is by going against the people in Washington making the country a mixed economy. Go after the people who gave bailouts, don’t go against the whole of Wall Street, when most of these people did not even receive bailouts.

It was revealing when Eric, a Wall Street executive himself, talked to a guy who said the 1% don’t produce anything. Eric brought up the most obvious example of why that is not true, which is Steve Jobs, the guy didn’t hesitate to say “to hell with Steve Jobs,” “Steve Jobs didn’t produce anything”—and this was probably the most intellectual guy we met that day. That really captures the essence of what it means to attack the 1% for being the 1%.

And in the realm of energy, the same way they attack the successful as such in the broader economy, they attack anything that’s prominent in this field. They attack fracking—an amazing technology—and they have no idea what fracking is, yet they hate fracking. They heard some story about why it’s bad, and that’s enough for them to advocate a ban.

The alternatives they give for the current sources of energy are usually non-existent; one girl talked about a perpetual battery that Duracell had a patent on. The common thing is they attack an actual value in favor of some non-existent utopia, and in reality their non-existent utopia would just be carnage. They have no idea how a solar panel even works, but they have no hesitation with saying we should destroy coal plants, natural gas, oil, nuclear, for whatever made up utopia they favor. They think “someone will figure it out, I mean someone figured it out so far” which shows their education. This goes back to the whole transformation of nature issue—they don’t regard that as an achievement that had certain preconditions, and that has certain requirements to maintain and improve. It’s a given that we have iPhones and plenty of food whenever we need it, the only issue is attacking “bad things” and getting rid of them, not realizing that the “bad things” they attack are the core foundation of what they’re taking for granted.

JL: Not everybody embraces environmentalism as religiously as those OWS protesters. How do you convince the less committed environmentalists to question their beliefs and check their premises?

New_York_CityAE: The mission of the Center for Industrial Progress is to promote industrial progress as a new ideal for our culture, and the reason I put it that way is because I want it to be a fundamentally positive thing, advocating the positive value of industrialization and certain positive policies that America needs to adopt, rather than just being against environmentalism. Obviously I’m against environmentalism, but I try to emphasize that this is because it stops the good things from happening. That’s how I position myself and the organization and that’s how I try to deal with it with people. I show them that the fuels environmentalists oppose are crucial, and yet they want to ban them. And if you look at the full context, it’s not because of economics, it’s not because of science, what is it? You have some basic discomfort with man transforming nature, well that’s an issue you really need to think about and I’ll argue you need to change your position on. So people will see their premises and why it matters and why it needs to be changed as they come up in practical issues.

JL: What are your future plans for CIP, and how can people support your efforts?

AE: As I mentioned, CIP has a very clear goal of getting Americans to embrace industrial progress as a cultural ideal, and we’re committed to finding and implementing the best way to do that through all of our works.

Our business model for doing this is a hybrid of customer-driven and donor-driven.

I’ll start with customer-driven. It’s very important for us to find ways monetize our activities whenever possible. For instance, there is a significant market for public speaking out there, and there’s no reason why really good speeches on industrial progress—properly positioned—can’t succeed in that market, and if we can’t succeed in that market that means we’re doing something wrong and we need to learn and get better.

In case it doesn’t go without saying, CIP will only accept money to promote its own ideas—to accept money to promote someone else’s agenda would defeat our whole reason for existing.

The second aspect of our business model is donor-driven. Our ultimate goal with the organization is to maximize impact. And there are many high-impact things we can do that don’t get a financial return but do get a cultural return.

For example, we are starting up a program to train people, especially young people and people with industry experience, to become effective advocates of industrial progress. I’ve been finding a lot of talent over the last few months, and I think there will be a huge payoff in training them and having them do original articles for our blog, “Industrial Progress Report.” But doing it right takes a lot of my time, and my partner Dr. Eric Dennis’s time, and the time of other teachers we’ll bring in, and that’s where donors are invaluable.

Another example of this is that I blog about energy and philosophy at MasterResource, the leading free-market energy blog. The head of MasterResource, Dr. Robert Bradley (CEO of the Institute for Energy Research) appointed me as one of the few Principal bloggers there, which is a great opportunity to impact the energy debate—if I can devote sufficient time to it. Again, donors are invaluable here.

In all our activities, customer-driven or donor-driven, the unifying thing is making a high impact, so we continually measure and optimize for results. That’s the bottom line and I think that mentality is going to make a lot of exciting things possible going forward.

For more information on contributing to CIP, financially or otherwise, go to www.industrialprogress.net and click on “Donate.” And if anyone has any specific questions about CIP, feel free to email me at alex@alexepstein.com.

JL: Thank you very much for your time, Alex.

AE: My pleasure.

Related:

Image of New York City: Wikipedia Commons

Posted in: Ayn Rand and Objectivism, Business and Economics, Education, Environmentalism, History, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Science and Technology

Newt’s Outrageous Package Deal: Secularism and Islam

Newt_Gingrich_TalkingCBS News reports that presidential candidate Newt Gingrich said that he is “convinced that if we do not decisively win the struggle over the nature of America” by the time his grand-children are his age, America will be “a secular atheist country, potentially one dominated by radical Islamists and with no understanding of what it once meant to be an American.”

A spokesman for Gingrich said that he forgot to add the “or” in the statement. But still, to treat secularism and Islam as equally anti-American is absurd and outrageous.

Secularism merely denotes ideas that are non-religious; it does not specify whether those ideas are rational or irrational, pro-life or anti-life. Islam, on the other hand, specifically denotes irrational and anti-life ideas—ideas that lead people to fly passenger jets into skyscrapers, execute gays, stone adulterers, enslave nations, and seek a sharia-ruled world.

Equating secularism with Islam is like equating a liver, which can be healthy or unhealthy, with a cancerous tumor.

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Image: Gaga Skidmore

Posted in: Foreign Policy and War, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Presidential Candidates, Religion

When Ayn Rand Meets Patrick Henry

Patrick_Henry_and_Ayn_RandFrom tea partyers to conservatives to “liberals” to flea partyers—everyone has an opinion about what people and governments have a right to.

“People have a right to keep what they earn”—“The government has a right to spread the wealth around”—“Women have a right to abortion”—“No they don’t”—“People have a right to an education, a job, a home, and health care”—“The government has a right to regulate corporate greed”—“The government has no right to interfere in the economy”—“The 99 percent has a right to the wealth of the 1 percent”—and so on. In some form or another, we hear such opinions daily.

But are anyone’s opinions on such matters more than mere opinions? Can anyone name the source and nature of rights and prove that his views are true?

Some say that rights are gifts from God. Others rightly reply: Prove it. Some claim that rights are grants from government. Others note that this contradicts the very idea of rights. Some claim that rights are matters of “natural law.” Others aptly ask: How so? What natural law? Natural law emanating from God? Wouldn’t that be “supernatural law”?

Although everyone has an opinion about rights, almost no one can prove that his opinion is correct. For advocates of liberty, this is a big problem. If we can’t identify the objective source and nature of rights, we can’t defend freedom; we can’t reverse the statist trend that is destroying our world; we will lose our liberty.

Fortunately, Ayn Rand discovered the objective source and nature of rights, and anyone who wants to understand these vital truths can—in the course of about half an hour.

In my article Ayn Rand’s Theory of Rights: The Moral Foundation of a Free Society, I examine the traditional theories of rights—God-given, government-granted, and “natural” rights—and show why none of these theories holds water. I then present Rand’s theory, showing step by step how it is derived from perceptual reality, why it is demonstrably true, and how it grounds the propriety of freedom in observable fact.

Rand’s ideas are radical. They go to philosophical roots and challenge the Judeo-Christian worldview to its core. But true advocates of liberty are not averse to radical ideas. True advocates of liberty know that America was founded on radical ideas. True advocates of liberty are willing to examine arguments in support of freedom and to embrace even the most radical ideas when such ideas are grounded in evidence and logic.

From Sarbanes-Oxley to Obamacare to Dodd-Frank to TSA molestations to countless coercive “stimulus” plans, we are losing our liberty. What will our political situation be in five, ten, fifteen years? Will we be free, semi-free, mostly controlled, or essentially enslaved?

It depends on what we are willing to do today.

Are we willing to consider radical ideas and evidence in support of them—even if they challenge the status quo? Are we willing to share with others the truths we discover—even if doing so makes us look radical? Or are we afraid of evidence that might contradict traditional views, afraid that knowing too much unpopular truth might entail too much mental and social fatigue.

“For my part,” said Patrick Henry, “whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth.” When enough people approach Rand’s ideas with Henry’s courage, liberty will live again.

Related:

Image of Patrick Henry: Wikipedia Commons

Image of Ayn Rand: Wikipedia Commons

Posted in: Ayn Rand and Objectivism, Business and Economics, Education, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Religion

The Justice of Income Inequality Under Capitalism

Sears_TowerMany “Occupy Wall Street” protesters oppose the bailouts of failed banks and financial institutions. They are right to do so: such bailouts violate rights by forcibly transferring wealth from some people to others via taxes, deficit spending (future taxes), and monetary expansion (hidden taxes). At the same time, however, many Occupiers call for even more forced wealth transfers for things such as unemployment payments, student loans, mortgage support, government schools, and “green” energy. Why do many Occupiers oppose some forced wealth transfers and advocate others?

The answer may be found in the popular “occupation” phrase: “We are the 99 percent.” As Vanity Fair explained earlier this year, “The upper 1 percent of Americans are now taking in nearly a quarter of the nation’s income every year. In terms of wealth rather than income, the top 1 percent control 40 percent.” The 99 percent, then, consist of everyone else. According to the typical Occupier, politicians should forcibly seize wealth, so long as they seize it from the relatively wealthy and give it to those with less. “Tax the Rich” (even more), many protest signs read. Vanity Fair compares America’s wealthy to Middle Eastern theocratic dictators: “Americans have been watching protests against oppressive regimes that concentrate massive wealth in the hands of an elite few.” The magazine predicts that “even the wealthy will come to regret” the income inequality in this country. While some in the “Occupy Wall Street” movement may attempt to make good on that threat, if income inequality is their concern, they should instead consider some history.

True, throughout most of human history, great income inequality arose when the political class looted the masses. Slaves labored in Egypt to build elaborate burial pyramids for their jewel-crested Pharaohs. In the socialist Soviet Union, the “dictators of the proletariat” lived lavishly even as they starved millions to death while selling grain to other countries (for details, see the film The Soviet Story). Thus, while some Occupiers call to replace capitalism with socialism (see the Denver college professor and “born-again Trotskyite” or the Los Angeles Occupier calling for bloody revolution) if successful their strategies would in fact create another kind of income inequality.

But the income inequality under tyranny is fundamentally different from that under capitalism. One arises from looting and forcing; the other from producing and thinking. Looters seize available wealth. They add nothing to the supply of wealth, opting instead to smash things, divert human effort to the task of looting, and squash the incentive of their victims to produce much of anything. Thus, even if looters could achieve income equality, doing so would constitute a moral atrocity. Producers create new wealth: They restructure their own resources—their land, machinery, seeds, and minerals—to create goods and services that benefit human life. Producers earn money by trading voluntarily with those who also benefit from the exchange. Often producers hire others, improving the lot of employer and employee alike.

Looters win (in their own short-sighted view) at the expense of others. Producers win as they help others win. At worst, a looter takes your life; at best, he steals what you produce. At worse, a producer leaves you alone; at best—and most typically—he greatly enriches and expands our lives.

America’s capitalists have nothing in common with dictators in the Middle East or with any other type of looter. (I mean actual capitalists, not those pretenders in business who wield political power to seize subsidies and hamstring their competitors.) Steve Jobs did not earn a fortune by attacking others or stealing from them; he grew wealthy by building remarkably advanced machines that dramatically improve the lives of tens of millions of people. Whatever wealth Jobs personally gained, he added enormously more value to his customers’ lives. The same can be said of any of America’s business leaders, whether the energy producer George Mitchell, retailer Jeff Bezos, software developer Bill Gates, internet visionary Mark Zuckerberg, or anybody else who lives by thinking and producing at whatever scale. Producers trade goods and services for money, and the exchange benefits both parties. A producer’s wealth indicates the scope of his mutually beneficial exchanges.

From the economic point of view, as Ludwig von Mises wrote in a 1955 letter: “Destitution is in a feudal society the corollary of income inequality, but not in a capitalist society. The fact that there is ‘big business’ does not impair, but improve[s] the conditions of the rest of the people.” Mises writes here of productive business in a free economy, not politically-connected “business” that seeks reward in handouts and special favors. To the degree that today’s economy has brought some closer to destitution, the cause is not productive big business, but instead the looting mentality of inflationary government spending, political support for irresponsible mortgages, bailouts for banks and unions, out-of-control entitlements, corporate welfare, and the like. In short, the cause is government interference in the economy.

From the moral point of view, forcibly seizing wealth from producers violates their rights. The relevant moral distinction is not between the 99 percent and the wealthiest one percent, but rather between the producers and the looters on any scale. The great producers of our society do not deserve envious snarls and threats to forcibly seize their property. Instead, they deserve our gratitude and admiration.

Related:

Image: Wikipedia Commons

Posted in: Business and Economics, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Science and Technology

Steve Jobs’ Philosophy of Life

Steve JobsEveryone knows that Steve Jobs was a superlative businessman who created fabulous products that substantially changed the world. But he was much more than that. He was a businessman-philosopher, and the philosophy he embraced was the fundamental cause of his remarkable productivity, success, and happiness.

What was important to Jobs was not making money per se, but the process of creation. “Being the richest man in the cemetery doesn’t matter to me,” he said. “Going to bed at night saying we’ve done something wonderful . . . that’s what matters to me.”

Doing something wonderful, in Jobs’ view, doesn’t mean doing something that others regard as worthy; it means doing what you love and pursuing a career that makes you happy. As he put it:

Your work is going to fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work. And the only way to do great work is to love what you do. If you haven’t found it yet, keep looking. Don’t settle. As with all matters of the heart, you’ll know when you find it. And, like any great relationship, it just gets better and better as the years roll on. So keep looking until you find it. Don’t settle.

To succeed in your chosen career, said Jobs, you must not accept ideas without truly understanding them. “To [do] something really well, you have to get it. You have to really grok what it’s all about. It takes a passionate commitment to really thoroughly understand something, chew it up, not just quickly swallow it. Most people don’t take the time to do that.”

Jobs eschewed what Ayn Rand called second-handedness: unthinking acceptance of the views of others. He embraced first-handedness or independent thinking: a primary orientation not toward others’ opinions, but toward reality as you see it. “Don’t be trapped by dogma—which is living with the results of other people’s thinking. Don’t let the noise of others’ opinions drown out your own inner voice,” he advised.

Jobs’ views were not arbitrary or floating; they were grounded in and arose from his recognition of the absolutism of reality, the preciousness of life, and the inevitability of death. As he explained: “No one wants to die. Even people who want to go to heaven don’t want to die to get there. And yet death is the destination we all share. No one has ever escaped it. And that is as it should be, because death is very likely the single best invention of life. It is life’s change agent.” He elaborated:

When I was 17, I read a quote that went something like, “If you live each day as if it was your last, someday you’ll most certainly be right.” It made an impression on me, and since then, for the past 33 years, I have looked in the mirror every morning and asked myself, “If today were the last day of my life, would I want to do what I am about to do today?” And whenever the answer has been “No” for too many days in a row, I know I need to change something.

In sum, Jobs’ philosophy holds that what matters most is figuring out what you love to do, passionately pursuing a career in that area, committing yourself to thoroughly understanding it, always going by your own judgment, monitoring how you spend your time, and continually adjusting your activities in order to achieve the greatest happiness possible.

We’ve seen the fruits of these ideas in Jobs’ life. Imagine what we’d see if his philosophy became as widely embraced as his other products.

Related:

Image: Wikipedia Commons

Posted in: Business and Economics, Philosophy, Science and Technology

The Fall Issue of TOS

Fall 2011 Issue CoverThe print edition of the Fall issue is at press and will be mailed shortly; the online, e-book, and audio versions will be accessible to subscribers beginning September 20, 25, and 30 respectively. We’ve made John David Lewis’s article “9/11 Ten Years Later: The Fruits of the Philosophy of Self-Abnegation” available early and for free.

The contents of the Fall issue are:

ARTICLES

9/11 Ten Years Later: The Fruits of the Philosophy of Self-Abnegation
by John David Lewis

Ayn Rand’s Theory of Rights: The Moral Foundation of a Free Society
by Craig Biddle

A Critique of Representative Paul Ryan’s “Path to Prosperity”
by Joshua Lipana

An Interview with John R. Bolton on the Proper Role of Government

An Interview with Governor Gary Johnson on What he Would Do as President

The Mastermind behind SEAL Team Six and the End of Osama Bin Laden
by Daniel Wahl

An Interview with Sculptor Sandra J. Shaw

FILM REVIEWS

Captain America: The First Avenger, directed by Joe Johnston
Reviewed by C. A. Wolski

Lifting King Kong, directed by Park Geon-yong
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

BOOK REVIEWS

A Time to Betray: The Astonishing Double Life of a CIA Agent Inside the Revolutionary Guards of Iran by Reza Kahlili
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

Nomad by Ayaan Hirsi Ali
Reviewed by Joseph Kellard

The Fear: Robert Mugabe and the Martyrdom of Zimbabwe by Peter Godwin
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce by Deirdre N. McCloskey
Reviewed by Richard M. Salsman

Gauntlet: Five Friends, 20,000 Enemy Troops, and the Secret That Could Have Changed the Course of the Cold War by Barbara Masin
Reviewed by John Cerasuolo

Crashing Through: The Extraordinary True Story of the Man Who Dared to See by Robert Kurson
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

The Extra 2%: How Wall Street Strategies Took a Major League Baseball Team from Worst to First by Jonah Keri
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

Delivering Happiness: A Path to Profits, Passion, and Purpose by Tony Hsieh
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

My Lucky Life In and Out of Show Business: A Memoir by Dick Van Dyke
Reviewed by Daniel Wahl

DEPARTMENTS

From the Editor

Letters and Replies

If you’ve not yet subscribed to TOS, you can do so online or by calling 800-423-6151. The journal also makes a great gift for active-minded friends and relatives. Subscriptions start at just $29 and are available in print, online, e-book, and audio editions.

Please forward this post to anyone who might appreciate the journal or Dr. Lewis’s article.

Posted in: Announcements, Ayn Rand and Objectivism, Business and Economics, Foreign Policy and War, History, Individual Rights and Law, Philosophy, Presidential Candidates, The Arts